Manichaeism as a Religious Community

Manichaeism as a syncretic dualistic doctrine and a specific religious community. The structure of Manichaean community. The book as a religious instrument in Manichaean culture. The disjointed and conflicted thought of the individual with Manichaean.
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Manichaeism as a Religious Community

Introduction

Manichaeism as a syncretic dualistic doctrine and a specific religious community dates back to the period of Roman Late Antiquity; however, nowadays there is not much evidence testifying to its existence. Basic information on Manichaean religious practices in the Roman Empire comes from a variety of sources - literary texts, as well as documentary evidence. Manichaean literary texts include the fourth century Coptic Medinet Madi library recovered from the ruins of a private home in the Fayum region of Egypt, several literary fragments in Syriac and Coptic from private homes in Kellis in the Egyptian Dakhkeh Oasis, the Latin Tebessa Codex from Algeria, and, most important, the Greek Cologne Mani Codex from an undetermined location in Egypt which contains the description of characteristically Manichaean practices of the late antique period. Although, basically, the contents of these texts reflect their original non-Roman composition, nevertheless, they provide information of what was being copied and read by Manichaeans inside the Roman domains, and reflect Manichaean ideas in local terms and languages.

As for documentary evidence, first of all, it is necessary to mention a mid-to-late fourth century multi-generational Manichaean community, located at the site of Kellis. In addition to that, Manichaean religious rivals, such as the former member of the community, Augustine of Hippo, had left some polemical accounts of Manichaean religious practices. Anti-Manichaean legislation, issued by the Roman government, may also be regarded as one of the sources.

Evidently, it is possible to treat Manichaeism within the Roman Empire as a cultic association largely confined to the domestic sphere, lacking any civic or public component. According to the documentary evidence, there were few Manichaean churches, sacred places, processions, or pilgrimages. The domestic character of Manichaeism can be partly explained by legal proscriptions against the religion, starting from the moment of its introduction from beyond the eastern frontier. At the same time, it is known that there were a number of «manistans» - special religious centers for Manichaean meetings - established outside of the Roman state. However, generally, Manichaeans preferred to gather in private homes rather than these meeting places, and it was largely proved by the Roman laws targeting estates on which the Manichaean were allowed to meet.

Thus, let us turn to consideration of the major aspects of this domestically-bound religion to understand the distinctive characteristics of Manichaeism as a lived community, and its participation in a larger religious and secular culture. The first is the structure of Manichaean community, the role of the Elect and the Auditors in its formation. The second is the place of texts (read, recited and copied) as instruments of the inscribing of Manichaean identity on the individual believer.

1. The Structure of Manichaean Community

A traditional Manichaean community may be presented as a two-unit whole that consists of itinerant holy persons - the Elect - forming its core, and the Auditors - laypeople. A small network of family and friends closed the religious bond, as laypeople were supposed to sponsor the Elect besides their other social and business links that connected them. The relative intimacy of these groups provided a private, small-scale social reinforcement of their commitment to the religion, which in its often illicit character in turn fostered the bonds of the group. Careful organization and communication was necessary to prepare for the arrival and hosting of an Elect, and is attested by the documents from Kellis. The Elect depended entirely on the ordinary adherent for safety, housing, food, clothing, and other supplies necessary to the Manichaean mission. These responsibilities continued to some extent even after the Elect had departed, as the Manichaean families would continue to provide needed items as requested by letter and messenger.

Thus, as it follows, the Elect as a mobile holy person became the center of religious authority and practice in late antique periods. In other words, there was a tendency in the Roman society according to which more fixed institutional forms, such as Christianity, were displaced by itinerant religious authority. Of course, there had always been unofficial representatives of this or that religious form, including shamans, wonder workers, and diviners alongside of the temple-based cults. Yet Roman policies that undermined and compromised the standing and functioning of the temples in their local context contributed much to the appearance of secret communities, centered around «the holy man»; namely, Manichaean association.

Another factor, adding to the transition from the institutionalized priesthoods to separate figures, is the anthropological one: «Rather than a sacred place, the new center and chief means of access to divinity will be a divine man, a magician, who will function, by and large, as an entrepreneur. Rather than celebration, purification and pilgrimage, the new rituals will be those of conversion, of initiation into the secret society or identification with the divine man. As a part of this fundamental shift, the archaic language and ideology of the cult will be revalorized - only those elements which contribute to this new, anthropological and highly mobile understanding of religion will be retained» [2, p. 187-188]. J.Z. Smith's major idea, concluded in this statement, is the so-called «spiritualization of the cult», in which feeding and supplying the holy person is believed to generate the sort of spiritual capital, formerly associated with the sacrificial rite. Thus, Manichaean community appeared as a result of shifts in cultic practices, serving as an alternative to altar-based practices.

The figure of the Manichaean Elect deserves special attention. This person can be called a true versatile taking on various sorts of ascetic and purificatory disciplines that ordinary people wouldn't be able to perform. Augustine of Hippo compares such people to the glorious Greek «athletes» who had achieved spiritual victory by their own heroic efforts. The Elect offered in his or her own person a living example of ideal embodiment, displaying the proven possibility of overcoming the evil forces embedded in all humans. Consequently, the Elect was treated as a living saint, not to say, a divine being. That is why when a Manichaean Elect stayed in a home, the hosts felt like taking part in an important sacred mission that added the cultural prestige of hosting guests. Feeding guests was a holy act of the utmost merit, and was conducted as a formal ritual once each day. As long as the Elect remained, the laypeople who fed him or her were active participants in a mystery that served towards the liberation of their own souls, as well as the souls of all living beings. Angels literally filled the room where such a sacred meal was occurring, activating a portal between sacred and profane dimensions of reality. Other acts of support to the Elect, such as an annual bestowal of new clothing or the designation of a member of the household to be a traveling companion, were regarded as high honors for the donor.

Among the main duties of the Elect were instruction, moral counseling, assessment of the spiritual condition of the members of the local cell, initiation of new converts or additions to the family, and blessings or protective magic for individuals and households. Wooden «flip-cards» of theological content that were discovered at Kellis serve as direct evidence of these instruction practices. Augustine mentions hymn-singing as one of the forms of religious instruction, and wooden boards were supposed to aid the memory of singers in performance. In addition to that, the program of spiritual development included the formal practice of confession and absolution as its central point. The initial confession of a new convert provided an opportunity to review past conduct not just for personal sinfulness, but for evidence that confirmed the Manichaean view of the nature of evil. Then, after initiation, confession continued to be a regular part of Manichaean practice, both in its individual and collective forms, on the occasion of community meetings. The ritual of confession performed two main functions: first, it served as a means of expiating spiritual guilt and pollution; and second, it was believed to support the regime of personal transformation. Through both individualized confessional dialogues and communal recitation of confessional formulas, laypeople received, internalized, and became transmitters of Manichaean ethical paradigms and models of self-understanding. Thus, it offered a concrete means of constantly shifting one's character and identity in order to distinguish and positively reinforce those traits indicative of the good true self, while drawing attention to those other traits indicative of evil within that must be isolated and eradicated.

Therefore, the Manichaean system of practice seems to present perfectly conformed and ritualized embodiment. Manichaeans were taught to put into action specified modes of thought and behavior in order to defeat the evil in their bodies. Laypeople were supposed to follow the rule of the so-called «Three seals» (mouth, hand and heart) that presupposed non-violence, regulation of desire, right speech, right diet, abstinence from alcohol, etc. The d...